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General mobilization

From Imam Khomeini Wiki

General mobilization, the general call-up and its organization to resolve problems.

Mobilization (basij) means organizing military forces and all the equipment of war. In the thought of Imam Khomeini, general mobilization is used in the meaning of cooperation for building the country. He considered the origin of mobilization to be in the mission of the prophets (a) and the principle of Islam, and believed that the mosque was the headquarters of popular mobilization in the early period of Islam. Based on this, by taking the early period of Islam as a model, he was able to confront the crises facing the society by creating an intellectual and practical mobilization of the people in three stages: the Islamic movement, the preservation of the revolution, and the imposed war.

Although Imam Khomeini considered the most important function of mobilization to be the preservation of the revolution; at the same time, he believed in other functions for it, such as political and cultural function, economic function, and military function.

The Imam sought popular mobilization in support of the revolution not in a governmental institution but far beyond it, and by describing the mobilization with lofty words such as the pure tree, the school of love, the rendezvous of the barefooted, the ascension of pure Islamic thought, and the sincere army of God, he praised the sincerity and purity of the Basijis.

Terminology

Mobilization means organizing, preparing military forces and all the equipment of war[1] and general mobilization refers to preparing voluntary popular forces in an organized manner in order to be present in military, cultural, social, economic, and political arenas.[2] In the words of Imam Khomeini, general mobilization is used in the meaning of cooperation and mutual assistance for building the country.[3]

Background

Imam Khomeini:

These very mosques which are the headquarters of Islam and Islam from within these mosques, in the early Islamic period, armies used to go out from the mosques; meaning, when Friday prayer was established, in the Friday prayer they would mobilize the tribes to confront the enemies of Islam. Mosques were the headquarters.

Ṣaḥīfat al-Imām, vol. 12, p. 391.

The general mobilization of people and facilities, to achieve generally value-oriented goals, has a deep history among various nations. The mobilization of the Children of Israel by Talut (Saul) against Pharaoh[4] and the mobilization of Muslims against the polytheists of Mecca under the leadership of the Holy Prophet (s),[5] has been a type of popular organization. In recent centuries as well, gaining popular support and preparing these facilities for establishing a revolution has been one of the important necessities of victory over established governments. The mobilization of the masses of people by the efforts of the republicans in the 1789 French Revolution against the monarchical government of Louis XVI[6] and the 1917 socialist revolution in Russia against the Tsarist monarchy are among the important historical evidences of popular mobilization in revolutions and triumph over monarchical governments.[7]
In Iran, too, popular mobilization has been carried out, especially with the efforts of the clergy, against the oppression and pressure of governments. Among the most obvious of these cases, one can refer to the role of the clergy in mobilizing the masses of people during the second Russo-Persian War[8] and the enlightenment and mobilization of the people regarding the Tobacco Boycott by the efforts of the clergy and with the fatwa of Mirza-yi Shirazi, and the mobilization of the strata of people against the government and court of Qajar to achieve the goals of the Constitutional Revolution[9]. (See also: Tobacco Protest، و Constitutional Revolution) The use of this tool to express public opinion in the issue of the nationalization of the oil industry is also evident. In that period, Mohammad Mosaddegh and Sayyid Abu l-Qasim Kashani were able to pave the way for the nationalization of the oil industry by inviting the people to numerous marches and presence in the social arena. (See also: Nationalization of the Iranian oil industry)
After the 1953 Iranian coup d'état and the suppression and intensification of the atmosphere of political suffocation, this trend was halted until 1963; but from then on, with the speeches and enlightenments of Imam Khomeini regarding the Capitulation Law, the interaction of the Pahlavi government with the Israeli regime[10], the repressive domestic policies[11], the economic policies[12], and the anti-cultural policies of the Pahlavi regime[13] (See also: Culture، و Cultural Invasion), the masses of people were mobilized around the axis of Islam and the critique of Pahlavi's performance. Imam Khomeini, during the years of the movement, was able to mobilize most political and social currents, from every class, religion, and inclination, by utilizing the religious backing of the people. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, by relying again on the tool of popular mobilization, he was able to bring the revolutionary and dispersed society to relative stability.

Position and Importance

Imam Khomeini:

...and [with] your statements, generally mobilize the prepared people who have found their way well, and united and in one direction, with one voice for dismantling the spread of looting and crime, and relying on the eternal divine power, uproot this rotten root of corruption, and save the oppressed nation from the clutches of internal and external colonialists.

Ṣaḥīfat al-Imām, vol. 3, p. 437.

In Imam Khomeini's belief, the origin of mobilization goes back to the mission of the prophets (a), and to the principle of Islam, and also to the time of the Prophet of Islam (s).[14] In the days of the Prophet's (s) migration to Medina, the verses of the mutual confrontation of Muslims with the polytheists were revealed to the Prophet (s)[15] and he engaged in a call and general mobilization to defend the Islamic entity among the emigrants.[16] From his perspective, the mosque was the headquarters of popular mobilization in the early period of Islam, and the Prophet (s) mobilized and organized the tribes and people for important tasks[17] including that His Holiness (s) was able to mobilize the poor people against the aristocratic and class system of Mecca to establish social justice.[18]
Imam Khomeini, who considered general mobilization as a force relying on the infinite divine power and the factor of saving the country from the clutches of colonialism and exploitation, by which the spread of looting and crime in the country could be dismantled,[19] considered building Iran in various dimensions[20] and deliverance from the turmoils and ruins after the revolution possible with the existence of general mobilization and with the assistance of all strata of people.[21]
The Basiji culture is known by characteristics such as self-sacrifice in the path of religion and homeland, indifference to worldly manifestations, and strengthening the national spirit[22]; a culture that gained more depth during the Sacred Defense and turned into a backing for the revolution.[23] In this culture, intellect and religion correspond to each other; because both have a single foundation named fitra (primordial nature).[24] In the Basiji culture, the highest human values grow and evolve, and the context of the general movement of the society is idealistic, anti-oppression, and influenced by human values containing spiritual elements.[25] Imam Khomeini considered the foundation of the culture of mobilization to rest on the sacrifice of the people in the path of Islam and the country[26] and believed that in the Basiji culture, the characteristic of altruism and sincerity, sacrifice, seeking martyrdom[27], and self-building and purification[28] is prominent, and in the event of the governance of this culture, no pest will threaten the robust stem of the Islamic Revolution, and if the pleasant melody of the Basiji resonates in a country, the greedy eyes of the enemies will be kept away from it.[29] He, by describing the mobilization with lofty words such as: the pure tree, the school of love, the rendezvous of the barefooted, the ascension of pure Islamic thought, and the sincere army of God, always envied the sincerity and purity of the Basijis and asked God to resurrect him with the Basijis, and was proud of being a Basiji.[30] (See also: Mobilization of the Oppressed)

Role of General Mobilization

Imam Khomeini, by understanding the temporal conditions and the necessities of society, was able to confront the problems and crises facing society by creating an intellectual and practical mobilization of the people in three stages: the Islamic movement, preservation of the revolution, and the Imposed War:

Islamic Movement

Imam Khomeini:

Reliance must be on God and service for God; service that, wherever performed, is worship, just as the individuals who serve for God in the Basij and other places are all in a state of worship, and mobilization is a very important and good matter.

Ṣaḥīfat al-Imām, vol. 19, p. 221.

One of the most important characteristics of the Islamic Revolution is the ability to mobilize the masses and the solidarity between the leaders and the people.[31] Imam Khomeini, who from the beginning of the movement had sensed the necessity of the people's presence, which is one of the most important pillars of the struggle against the Taghut, prepared and invited the individuals of the nation for this confrontation.[32] He considered raising the awareness of the people as well as organizing the masses as the cause of preventing their deception by the enemies of the movement[33] and expressed the accompaniment of the people with the scholars during the course of protests as causing the strengthening of Islam[34] and the preservation of the rules of the Qur'an.[35] This was while some of the opposition groups of the Pahlavi regime, by forming parties and groups and carrying out armed operations, were seeking to combat the regime,[36] but Imam Khomeini had repeatedly emphasized that he was against the group-oriented and party-oriented uprising and armed policy, and rather emphasized the organization and popular uprising against the regime[37] and in response to some members of the People's Mujahedin Organization in inviting to an armed uprising, he forbade them from this act and considered it the cause of losing the fighting force.[38] Even in the most critical conditions of the Islamic Revolution, he did not issue an order for armed jihad[39] and remained on this belief until the fall of the Pahlavi government. (See also: Armed struggle) And on the eve of the victory of the revolution, he also considered the continuity and resistance of the people[40] and their support for the movement as a necessity for the defeat of the Pahlavi regime[41] and he deemed the solidarity and continuity of the people from various strata and classes of clergy, academics, bazaar merchants, and students as the cause of reaching the ideals and goals of the Islamic Revolution,[42] such that he, by seeking help from the institution of the clergy, also asked them to engage in the organization and mobilization of the people.[43]

Preservation of the Islamic Revolution

The political system emerging from the Islamic Revolution was a newly established structure that initially faced widespread dimensions of economic and political chaos, and to preserve its achievements, the necessity of forming an organization to organize the masses of people seemed necessary.[44] Therefore, Imam Khomeini in Azar 1358 SH (November/December 1979), in a speech, emphasized the universal training of military techniques and the formation of a twenty-million army, and considered the country safe from harm if such an army were formed.[45]
Imam Khomeini's decree led to the formation of the Basij unit in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and, subsequently, the establishment of the National Mobilization Organization, which was later renamed to the Mobilization of the Oppressed. (See also: Mobilization of the Oppressed) He sought popular mobilization in support of the revolution not in a governmental institution but far beyond it, and saw this important matter in the solidarity of the people and their backing of the revolution in all regions of the country[46] and considered the continuation of the Islamic movement[47] and the building, flourishing, and administration of the country after the victory of the revolution[48] to be contingent upon the unity and mobilization of all strata of the people; on this basis, this desire of his manifested in the agricultural and developmental sector in the form of the Jihad of Construction[49], in the security sector in the form of the Islamic Revolution Committees[50], and in providing aid to the oppressed in the form of the Relief Committee[51] and the opening of Imam's Account 100[52]. (See also: Islamic Revolution Housing Foundation) Also, in order to eradicate illiteracy, the Literacy Movement was formed on Dey 7, 1358 SH (December 28, 1979) by the decree of Imam Khomeini.[53] Another manifestation of the participation of popular mobilization through the efforts of Imam Khomeini in the developments after the victory of the revolution can be seen in the support of the interim government[54], confrontation and public hatred towards the actions of separatist elements[55] and hostile political groups[56], and also the support for the Islamic Revolution[57], where people generally expressed their support for the positions of Imam Khomeini and the revolution by participating in nationwide marches.[58] (See also: Demonstrations)
Imam Khomeini's belief in the mobilization of the people and public opinion was not limited to inside the country, and to achieve the ideals of pure Muhammadan Islam, he asked all Muslims of the world to rise up against the colonial and dictatorial systems in their societies and stand as a single Ummah against oppression and aggression.[59] In this regard, one can point to the declaration of Quds Day, which has always been a symbol of the solidarity of the Islamic Ummah and "general Islamic mobilization" under the ideal of the liberation of Quds and the struggle against Israel.[60] (See also: International Quds Day) Imam Khomeini in a broader arena called for the presence of all deprived nations of the world around their legitimate demands and the realization of their human rights, and by articulating the plan to form the Party of the Oppressed of the World, he tried to provide a way for the deprived nations of the world to find a path for general mobilization and the realization of their fundamental rights from this perspective.[61]

Imposed War

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the agreement of the West and the East with the Iraqi regime to attack the territory of Iran and the necessity of defending the borders and the nascent Islamic Revolution caused Imam Khomeini to once again provide the ground for confronting the aggressors by mobilizing the people[62]; despite the fact that he considered the defense of the country the duty of the army and the IRGC, he believed that the perfect manifestation of altruism, sincerity, and sacrifice are the Basijis, and without the presence of the people, the work of defense will not be sorted out,[63] therefore, by considering the universal mobilization of the people mandatory in the war and defense of the Islamic country, he asked all strata of the nation to go to the fronts against the enemy.[64] He considered the defense of the country and Islam the responsibility of all people, including women, men, adults, and children[65], and believed that if this general mobilization had not taken place, the country would have been drawn to ruin.[66] While considering the imposed war of Iraq against Iran as a factor for the people to mobilize around the axis of defending the Islamic country,[67] he also deemed the manner of the general mobilization of the people to participate in the wars to be spontaneous and popular, just like the early period of Islam.[68] (See also: Imposed War)

Functions of Mobilization

Although Imam Khomeini considered the most important function of popular mobilization to be the backing of the Islamic Revolution[69], he stated various functions for it, among which one can refer to the political, economic, military, and cultural functions:

Political and Cultural Function

Imam Khomeini:

I, firstly, warn the Iranian nation to prepare themselves and ready their weapons and be on alert, so that if, God forbid, there is a need for a general mobilization and the order for a general sacred jihad is given, they immediately go to the field and defend the religion of God and the Islamic country.

Ṣaḥīfat al-Imām, vol. 13, p. 272.

Among the most important functions of general and popular mobilization before the victory of the Islamic Revolution, one can point to the entry of the general public into the arena of politics. One of the manifestations of this function in the view of Imam Khomeini was the widespread popular strikes and marches[70] to advance the goals of the revolution. In addition to calling the people to strike against the Pahlavi regime[71], he asked them to support the elites and guilds in the event of their strike; because such strikes caused the strengthening of Islam and the retreat of the Pahlavi regime[72] and the declaration of public support for the revolution and the Islamic Republic.[73] (See also: Strike، و Strike of the Oil Industry Workers) Even after the victory of the revolution, he considered the presence of people in the marches necessary because they could show their affection for Islam, the Qur'an, and the Islamic Republic, and prove to arrogance and colonialism that the Islamic Revolution possesses the necessary popular backing.[74] (See also: Demonstrations) It was this mobilization of public opinion through the efforts of Imam Khomeini in support of the Islamic Republic system and the revival of the anti-arrogance spirit that caused the general public to support this move of the students during the takeover of the espionage den, and a fresh force for resistance in confronting the problems was created.[75]
On the other hand, one of the emphases and recommendations of Imam Khomeini to the people was to reform the cultural ruins left by the Pahlavi regime in Iran. Including one of these backwardnesses was the deprivation of many oppressed people from the blessing of education. In this regard, emphasizing that the combat against illiteracy must proceed without formalities and with speed, he asked the general public to strive to achieve this important matter.[76] He deemed a public plan for the literacy of the people necessary and advised the government and the people to rise up in the form of a general mobilization for the eradication of illiteracy, so that in the near future the general public would have learned basic writing and reading.[77] (See also: Literacy Movement)

Economic and Developmental Function

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini considered the economic priority of the country in the first step to be self-sufficiency from the West, in which regard the masses of people must, by organizing and being present in important affairs such as agriculture, in addition to drying up the root of unemployment, cause the self-sufficiency of the country in times of sanctions and emergency conditions.[78] (See also: Production and Industry) He considered the people's support for the domestic economy as causing the severance of dependence on the Eastern and Western blocs, and in the next stage, the entry of welfare into the life of the nation.[79]
Imam Khomeini counted one of the arenas of popular mobilization to be the resolution of the country's disorganizations and the development in various regions[80] and believed that effort and attention to the developmental issues of the country is the duty of all people.[81] While emphasizing the worldly outcome of developing the poor and oppressed regions, he considered serving the people of these regions to have abundant spiritual value.[82] The struggle against poverty and reaching social justice is another arena of the function of popular mobilization; in such a way that Imam Khomeini believed that for the deprived people of Iran to benefit from the fruits of the revolution, one must rise up to fight injustice and poverty by mobilizing all people,[83] (See also: Poverty) therefore, after the revolution, with the popular mobilization and organization of individuals and facilities in the form of institutions such as the Jihad of Construction and the Relief Committee and the Foundation of the Oppressed, this matter was realized.

Military Function

After the start of the imposed war of Iraq against Iran and the application of concepts such as "preservation of religion, defense of the country, and defense of the people and honors" in the words of Imam Khomeini, the defense of the country and effective presence in the imposed war became one of the arenas of entry for popular mobilization. He declared the general mobilization in line with the presence of popular forces in the imposed war, and by considering the issue of the war as the primary issue, called the people and officials of the country to support the warriors of Islam,[84] in this way, the Basiji forces participated extensively in all operations and programs of the war and played a role[85] With the entry of the general public into the arena of defending the country, Imam Khomeini, while praising the Basiji people, considered the Basij as the backing of the Islamic Revolution that has trained and presented thousands of combatants to the revolution.[86] (See also: Mobilization of the Oppressed، و Imposed War)

Notes

  1. ↑ ʿAmīd, Farhang-i Fārsī, 269.
  2. ↑ Khānī, Darāmadī bar shinākht-i basīj, 27.
  3. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/91-92.
  4. ↑ Qurʾān 2:246; 7:134 & 137; Ṭabāṭabāʾī, al-Mīzān fī tafsīr al-Qurʾān, 2/285 & 8/228.
  5. ↑ Wāqidī, al-Maghāzī, 1/9, 23 & 2/510.
  6. ↑ Doyle, Inqilāb-i kabīr-i Farānsih, 77-83.
  7. ↑ Walter, Tārīkh-i Rūsiyya az paydāyish tā 1945, 462-467.
  8. ↑ Grantovsky, Tārīkh-i Īrān az zamān-i bāstān tā imrūz, 324.
  9. ↑ Taymūrī, Taḥrīm-i tanbākū awwalīn muqāwamat-i manfī dar Īrān, 82-84.
  10. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 1/386-387.
  11. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 2/481 & 3/100-101.
  12. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 4/65-66.
  13. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 2/142 & 4/17-18.
  14. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 8/292-293 & 13/28.
  15. ↑ Qurʾān 3:12-13.
  16. ↑ Wāqidī, al-Maghāzī, 1/403 & 2/431, 505.
  17. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 12/391.
  18. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 8/293.
  19. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 3/437 & 443.
  20. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/92.
  21. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 7/521.
  22. ↑ Ardistānī, Barkhī arzish-hā wa thamarāt-i jang-i taḥmīlī.
  23. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 7/521.
  24. ↑ Jamshīdī, Ārmān-i basīj wa basīj-i ārmānī az manẓar-i Imām Khumaynī, published in Majmūʿa maqālāt-i īdīʾulzhī, rahbarī wa farāyand-i inqilāb-i islāmī, 1/305-306.
  25. ↑ Ḥubbī, Shākhhiṣ-hā-yi farhang wa tafakkur-i basījī, 15.
  26. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 19/221.
  27. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 16/198 & 21/194.
  28. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 16/76.
  29. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 21/194-195.
  30. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 21/194.
  31. ↑ Gul-Muḥammadī, Zamīnah-hā-yi basīj-i mardumī dar inqilāb-i Īrān, 104.
  32. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 3/379.
  33. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 1/134-135.
  34. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 1/180.
  35. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 2/485.
  36. ↑ Madanī, Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi muʿāṣir-i Īrān, 1/105.
  37. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 3/514 & 4/3, 250, 294.
  38. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 8/144-145.
  39. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 5/295.
  40. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 4/381.
  41. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 4/35-36.
  42. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 3/314-315.
  43. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 3/394 & 436-437.
  44. ↑ Jamshīdī, Ārmān-i basīj wa basīj-i ārmānī az manẓar-i Imām Khumaynī, published in Majmūʿa maqālāt-i īdīʾulūzhī, rahbarī wa farāyand-i inqilāb-i islāmī, 1/297.
  45. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 11/121-122.
  46. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/361 & 12/239-240.
  47. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 12/313 & 15/136, 353.
  48. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/174 & 7/520-521.
  49. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 8/179-180.
  50. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/128-129.
  51. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/367.
  52. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/518.
  53. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 11/446-447.
  54. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/69.
  55. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 8/137-138 & 10/296-297.
  56. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 8/138.
  57. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 14/77-78.
  58. ↑ Muḥammadī, Taḥlīlī bar inqilāb-i islāmī, 100.
  59. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/503; 8/358 & 10/339-340.
  60. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 9/267 & 280.
  61. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 9/280-281 & 12/160.
  62. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 13/272.
  63. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 21/194-195.
  64. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 13/243-244.
  65. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 13/409.
  66. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 15/402.
  67. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 13/329.
  68. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 19/220.
  69. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 15/386.
  70. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 5/403.
  71. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 4/309 & 5/154.
  72. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 2/485; 4/367 & 5/260 & 494-495.
  73. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 5/477.
  74. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 9/107.
  75. ↑ Hāshimī Rafsanjānī, Kārnāma wa khāṭirāt, sāl-hā-yi 1357-1358, Inqilāb wa pīrūzī, 371.
  76. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 11/446-447.
  77. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 11/446-447.
  78. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 11/446-447, 9/25 & 11/477.
  79. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 10/333-334.
  80. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 8/19-20.
  81. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 10/498-499.
  82. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 18/38.
  83. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 6/518.
  84. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 13/272; Darwīshī, Jang-i Īrān wa ʿIrāq, purshish-hā wa pāsukh-hā, 228.
  85. ↑ Ẓāhir, Ḥamāsa-yi hasht sāl difāʿ-i muqaddas, 2/33.
  86. ↑ Imām Khumaynī, Ṣaḥīfa, 15/386.

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  • Doyle, William. Inqilāb-i kabīr-i Farānsih. Translated by Thamīn Nabīpūr. Tehran: Ufuq, first printing, 1390 SH.
  • Ṭabāṭabāʾī, Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn. al-Mīzān fī tafsīr al-Qurʾān. Qom: Daftar-i Intishārāt-i Islāmī, fifth printing, 1417 AH.
  • Ẓāhir, Ṣādiq. Ḥamāsa-yi hasht sāl difāʿ-i muqaddas. Tehran: Difāʿ, first printing, 1380 SH.
  • ʿAmīd, Ḥasan. Farhang-i Fārsī. Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, seventeenth printing, 1379 SH.
  • Grantovsky, E. A., et al. Tārīkh-i Īrān az zamān-i bāstān tā imrūz. Tehran: Pūyish, first printing, 1359 SH.
  • Gul-Muḥammadī, Aḥmad. "Zamīnah-hā-yi basīj-i mardumī dar inqilāb-i Īrān," in Majalla-yi Rāhburd, No. 9, 1375 SH.
  • Muḥammadī, Manūchihr. Taḥlīlī bar inqilāb-i islāmī. Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, seventh printing, 1377 SH.
  • Madanī, Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn. Tārīkh-i siyāsī-yi muʿāṣir-i Īrān. Qom: Daftar-i Intishārāt-i Islāmī, ninth printing, 1378 SH.
  • Wāqidī, Muḥammad b. ʿUmar. al-Maghāzī. Edited by Marsden Jones. Beirut: al-Aʿlamī, third printing, 1409 AH.
  • Walter, Colonel. Tārīkh-i Rūsiyya az paydāyish tā 1945. Translated by Najafqulī Muʿizzī (Ḥusām al-Dawla). Tehran: Kumīsyūn-i Maʿārif, 1338 SH.
  • Hāshimī Rafsanjānī, Akbar. Kārnāma wa khāṭirāt, sāl-hā-yi 1357-1358, Inqilāb wa pīrūzī. Edited by ʿAbbās Bashīrī. Tehran: Daftar-i Nashr-i Maʿārif-i Inqilāb, first printing, 1383 SH.
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